FabledIntegral wrote:Still disagree - they clearly stated that no matter the circumstance - segregation in terms of separation but equal could never be achieved. Although the specific issue was in terms of race, that's not what's important. What's important is the new precedent founded.
Yes, but the ruling was ruled the way it was, because it unfairly targeted a racial minority. It did not give them equal protection under the law, becuase education was protected under the first ammedment. (Brown V BofE, which I assume you are talking about). I honestly don't have any idea how SCOTUS would rule if they were to consider gay marriage, and if these cases would even be used in arguments.
I must admit your wording is confusing me, I'm not quite sure what you mean...Also fundamental rights are supposed to be protected against the majorities. That was the entire point of separation of church and state - so that the minorities aren't adversely affected for different beliefs from the majority.
I snipped that to save some space.
I was refering to the case of DofE v Smith, and how it might apply to gay rights. I was also specificly using it in response to StiffMittens quote
But isn't religious devotion a "lifestyle choice"? Even if no genetic mandate for homosexuality exists, surely discrimination based on sexual orientation is no better than religious discrimination.
In DofE v Smith, the SCOTUS ruled that even though the outcome of a law might have hindered the free exercise of a religious activity, it did not violate the First Ammendment, because it was not a law targeting a specific group, nor targeting any religious practice.
Justice Scalia wrote:It is a permissible reading of the [free exercise clause]...to say that if prohibiting the exercise of religion is not the object of the [law] but merely the incidental effect of a generally applicable and otherwise valid provision, the First Amendment has not been offended....
The cliff-notes version of the case is this. Two men were fired from their job because of drug use. These men were native americans. The state denied them unemployment because of they were fired for drug use. They claimed the drugs were used in a religious practice, and therefor protected under the first ammendment. SCOTUS ruled otherwise for the reason stated above.
I am thinking this line of thinking may transfer over to marriage rights. The State has a "compelling interest" in the regulation of marriage. Without regulating it somehow, it would be out of control. If by regulating marriage, they have an incidental effect (in this case, same-sex couples cannot be married), it may not be violation of the constitution. If you read the conncurance opinion of O'Connor, in Lawrence v Texas, she says exactly that.
That this law as applied to private, consensual conduct is unconstitutional under the Equal Protection Clause does not mean that other laws distinguishing between heterosexuals and homosexuals would similarly fail under rational basis review. Texas cannot assert any legitimate state interest here, such as national security or preserving the traditional institution of marriage. Unlike the moral disapproval of same-sex relations–the asserted state interest in this case–other reasons exist to promote the institution of marriage beyond mere moral disapproval of an excluded group.
She specificly says that "preserving the traditional instituion of marriage" is something that the State has a legitimate interest in. If the State has a legitimate or compelling interest in marriage, then I would assume that if in DofE v. Smith, certain things can be ciminalized, even if does have a use in a religious practice. Then the same interest could be transfered to the 14th Ammendment. The courts have upheld that the 14th does apply to protecting the private actions of homosexual individuals, but have so far states that that same protection does not extend to the point of marriage.
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I am not sure if I made myself any more clear... I'm trying to just explain one legal position a person can take on this issue. I am not a lawyer, and don't claim to be, I am just reporting back on current cases that would likely be looked at, if there was a SCOTUS hearing the legality of limitations of marriage rights.
--John